The long struggle of Leonard Peltier
http://www.counterpunch.org/allen11302005.html
November 30, 2005
Incident at Oglala, 30 Years
Later
The Long Struggle of Leonard
Peltier
By JOE ALLEN and
PAUL D'AMATO
L eonard
Peltier, one of America's longest-serving political prisoners, turned
sixty-one-years-old on September 12, 2005. Peltier has spent nearly thirty years
in federal prison, the result of one of the most infamous political frame-ups in
modern U.S. history. He was convicted of killing two agents of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation (FBI) on the Lakota Sioux Pine Ridge Reservation in
South Dakota in 1975. Believing he could not receive a fair trial in the U.S.,
he fled to Canada. The Canadian government extradited him in 1976, and he was
tried, convicted, and sentenced to two life terms in 1977.
Many of today's progressive-minded people will find themselves unfamiliar with
the details as well as the significance of the Peltier case. This is a tragedy,
given the widespread opposition to the Patriot Act and the heightened fear of
political repression by opponents of the Bush administration. The rush of events
since 9/11, instead of bringing the Peltier case back into focus, seems to have
pushed it further into the margins of political consciousness, where it has
unfortunately been for two decades.
This is something that needs to be
corrected.
Leonard Peltier, a citizen of the Lakota and Anishinabe nations, was an active
member of the American Indian Movement (AIM) in the early 1970s in the upper
Midwest, where he was born, and on the West Coast, where he lived and worked
off-and-on for several years. AIM was a product of the militant struggles of the
1960s against racism and the Vietnam War (many of its members were Vietnam
Veterans). Its most important leaders during the seventies-Dennis Banks and
Russell Means-were inspired by the civil rights movement and, more importantly,
the Black Panthers. Formed in 1968 by Anishinabe Indian activists in
Minneapolis, AIM quickly sprouted chapters across the country, and moved from
civil rights to issues of Indian sovereignty and pride.
Two events put AIM on the map. In 1972, on the eve of Richard Nixon's landslide
reelection to the presidency, AIM led a nationwide caravan, called the
"Trail of Broken Treaties," that culminated in the occupation of the
Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) headquarters in Washington, D.C. The BIA had long
been a source of hatred for its flagrant embezzlement of funds that were
supposed to go to impoverished Native Americans and for its legalizing of the
theft of reservation land.
The following year, at the request of its residents, AIM led the armed
occupation of Wounded Knee on the Pine Ridge reservation, the site of the
historic massacre of Sioux men, women, and children in 1890. The event marked
the coming together of urban Indian radicals with reservation traditionals who
resented the corruption and abuse of the BIA-sponsored tribal administration, as
well as its denigration of native traditions. During the ensuing seventy-one-day
standoff, BIA police, FBI, and U.S. military fired 500,000 rounds of ammunition
at the entrenched Indian encampment, killing two AIM members. While the siege
provided little in tangible concessions from the federal government, it
succeeded in publicizing AIM and generated a surge of popular interest in Native
American issues and history. It also resulted in AIM becoming a greater target
of ferocious government repression.
The FBI led the attack on AIM as part of its Counter Intelligence Program
(COINTEPRO), begun in the mid-1960s under its director J. Edgar Hoover, and used
with terrifying effectiveness against the Black Panther Party. COINTELPRO
employed many dirty tricks against its targets including wiretapping,
assassination, and the use of agents provocateurs-all in coordination with state
and local police forces. The goal, according to FBI documents, was to
"neutralize" the leadership. AIM members across the country faced
constant harassment and frame-ups that drained the organization's resources and,
eventually, broke its leadership. One of the AIM members caught up in this
dragnet was Leonard Peltier.
During Wounded Knee II, Pine Ridge Tribal Chair Dickie Wilson formed the
Guardians of the Oglala Nation (literally and boastfully GOON), paid for with a
$62,000 BIA stipend, and launched a reign of terror on AIM and its supporters at
Pine Ridge. Not by coincidence, at this time the BIA was interested in using
Wilson to sign over a portion of the reservation known to be rich in uranium and
molybdenum to the U.S. Forest Service. >From 1973 to 1976, more than sixty
AIM members and supporters, many of them traditionals, were murdered without a
finger lifted by the state government or the FBI to investigate their deaths. A
new generation of rabidly racist and self-proclaimed "Indian fighters"
emerged in South Dakota led by William Janklow, who declared: "The only way
to deal with the Indian problem in South Dakota is to put a gun to the AIM
leaders' heads and pull the trigger." He would eventually become South
Dakota's attorney general, governor, and, later, the state's only congressman.
(Last year, Janklow finally stepped down from his House seat after he was
convicted and sentenced to 100 days in jail for slamming his speeding car into,
and killing, a motorcyclist. In addition to his history of racism, Janklow
apparently has a long history of reckless driving-thirteen traffic citations
since 1990-and the judge in the case could have given Janklow ten years. But
witnesses convinced him of Janklow's good character and solid contributions to
the community.)
In the desperate and highly charged atmosphere of repression after Wounded Knee
II, the traditional leaders on Pine Ridge appealed to AIM for help to defend
themselves. Leonard Peltier was among the dozens of AIM members and supporters
who went to Pine Ridge. AIM also provided support such as cutting firewood,
collecting water, and preparing meals for the many elderly residents who lived
in the most remote parts of the reservation. They provided protection from
attacks by Wilson's GOONs, which usually took place late at night, making late
evening hours a nightmare of gunfire and screams for help. AIM activists,
including Peltier, were armed for their own protection as well as that of the
residents.
What has now gone down in history as "the incident at Oglala" occurred
on June 26, 1975, when two unmarked cars chased a red truck onto the Jumping
Bull compound near the village of Oglala. Without identifying themselves, the
FBI agents in pursuit of the red pick-up began shooting at it. The FBI later
claimed that the agents were in pursuit of an Indian named Jimmy Eagle, for
allegedly stealing cowboy boots. When the agents then began firing on the ranch,
Peltier and others, who were defending the compound against GOON violence, fired
back, not knowing who the men were or what they wanted. Within minutes, more
than 150 FBI SWAT team members, Bureau of Indian Affairs police, and GOONs had
surrounded the ranch. The quick response has led many to believe that the
"incident" was a deliberate provocation by the FBI.
Peltier and others escaped the encirclement. When the FBI occupied the ranch
they found AIM member Joe Killsright Stuntz and two FBI agents, Jack Koler and
Ron Williams, shot dead at close range. No one has ever been convicted for
killing Stuntz.
The largest manhunt in FBI history ensued, eventually resulting in the arrest of
three AIM members, Dino Butler, Robert Robideau, and Leonard Peltier, for the
murders of Koler and Williams. None of the defendants ever denied being at the
Jumping Bull ranch that day or firing in self-defense, but all denied killing
the FBI agents. Butler and Robideau were the first arrested and charged, and the
first sent to trial while Peltier fought extradition in Canada. Robideau and
Butler were tried in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, at the request of the U.S. Department
of Justice, who believed that the white working class and lower middle class
residents of this small provincial city would easily convict them. On July 16,
1976, to the shock of the government attorneys, the jury found Butler and
Robideau not guilty of murder, accepting the argument for self-defense put
forward by their famed radical attorney, William Kunstler.
In their humiliation, the FBI was determined to convict Peltier, who was
captured by the Mounties on February 6, 1976. To obtain Peltier's extradition,
the U.S. government presented to the federal Canadian court affidavits signed by
Myrtle Poor Bear, who claimed to be Peltier's lover and to have witnessed
Peltier shoot the FBI agents. Though it was later revealed that Poor Bear's
testimony was coerced out of her by the FBI, the Canadian court turned Peltier
over to the United States.
In March 1977, Peltier went to trial before an all-white jury in North Dakota
and a hostile Judge Paul Benson, who refused to allow use of the self-defense
argument and ruled repeatedly in favor of the government. The judge and
prosecution suppressed all evidence favorable to Peltier.
Even though the lead prosecutor, the aptly named Assistant U.S. Attorney Lynn
Crooks, failed to produce a single witness who could identify Peltier as the
gunman who killed the agents, the jury found Peltier guilty and he was sentenced
to two consecutive life terms. In the nearly thirty years since Peltier's false
conviction, the case against him has continued to unravel. For example, a
successful Freedom of Information Act lawsuit in the early 1980s turned up a
concealed ballistics report showing that the gun Peltier allegedly used during
the incident could not be matched with the bullet casing found near the agents.
In 1985, when the Eighth Circuit Court held oral arguments on a motion filed by
Peltier for a new trial, Lynn Crooks admitted, "we can't prove who shot
those agents." Though the court found that the jury in Peltier's trial
might have acquitted him had the FBI not withheld this evidence,
they refused to
grant him a new trial.
In 2000, when President Clinton announced that he was considering clemency for
Peltier, he began making plans for his release. His friends even began planning
to build him a new house. But after the FBI mobilized a campaign that included a
march of 500 agents in front of the White House, Clinton backed down. Peltier's
appeals have been denied more than ten times, and he remains in prison. But his
spirit is not broken. Not long after Clinton's betrayal, he wrote:
Since that dark Saturday, I have managed to get up and
dust myself off, and begin to lift my spirits once more. I am just as
determined now to fight for my freedom as I was on February 6, 1976 when I
was first arrested. I will not give up. This is the second time in the span
of my incarceration that I made it to the top of the hill and saw that
freedom was in view, only to be kicked right back down to the bottom again.
Peltier's experience in prison has been one of constant
harassment and hardship. A Leonard Peltier Defense Committee statement aptly
noted that,
Over the last year, Leonard has suffered the passing of several relatives and
been denied many basic human rights. He has been placed in solitary confinement
for no reason, denied phone privileges, religious rights, and visitation
privileges, and was even unable to write letters to family and friends.
Peltier's health has deteriorated in the last year and he has repeatedly been
denied adequate medicine. Without reason, Leonard has been moved to several
prisons with no concern for his health.
On June 30, Peltier was moved, without notice to his family or his attorneys, to
the federal prison at Terre Haute, Indiana, from the federal prison at
Leavenworth, Kansas. And on August 15-despite ailing health-he was moved to the
federal prison at Lewisburg, Pennsylvania. In 2008, Leonard Peltier comes up for
parole, but the FBI and other forces will resist his release tooth and nail. If
we are going to get any measure of justice for Leonard Peltier, we will have to
be out in front of the White House when the time comes.
To find out more about Leonard Peltiers case, go to www.freepeltier.org/.
The best books to read on Leonard Peltier's case are Peter Matthiessens In
the Spirit of Crazy Horse, and The
Trial of Leonard Peltier by Jim Messerschmidt. Peltiers own book,
Prison
Writings: My Life is My Sun Dance, is also excellent.
--
Joe Allen
is a member of Teamsters Local 705 in Chicago. Paul D'Amato is associate editor
of the ISR.
They can be reached at: joseph.allen4@worldnet.att.net
CounterPunch, PO BOX 228, Petrolia, CA 95558
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